Good evening. Last week, the warring factions in Bosnia reached a peace agreement as a result of our efforts in Dayton, Ohio.

Tonight, I want to speak with you about implementing the Bosnian peace agreement and why our values and interests as Americans require that we do so.

Let me say at the outset: America's role will not be about fighting a war.

It will be about helping the people of Bosnia to secure their own peace. Our mission will be limited, focused and under the command of an American general. In fulfilling this mission, we will have the chance to help stop the killing of innocent civilia ns, and especially children, and, at the same time, bring stability to central Europe, a region of the world that is vital to our national interests.

And given our responsibility as Americans, it is the right thing to do.

From its birth, America has always been more than just a place. America has embodied an idea that has become the ideal for billions of people throughout the world. Our founders said it best: Our ideal is life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.

In this century especially, America has done more than simply stand for these ideals -- we have acted on them, and sacrificed for them. Our people fought two world wars so that freedom could triumph over tyranny. After World War I, we pulled back from the world -- leaving a vacuum that was filled by the forces of hatred. After World War II, we continued to lead. We made the commitments that kept the peace and secured our interests, that helped spread democracy, that created unparalleled prosperity and that brought victory in the Cold War.

Today, because of our dedication, America's ideals -- liberty, democracy and peace -- are, more and more, the ideals of humanity. It is the power of these ideas, far more than our size, wealth and military might, that makes America a special nation and a uniquely trusted nation.

With the Cold War over, some people question the need for our continued, active leadership in the world. They believe that, much like after World War I, America can step back from the responsibilities of leadership. They argue that to be secure, we nee d only to keep our military strong and our borders safe, and that the time has come to leave for others the hard work of leadership beyond our borders.

I strongly disagree.

As the Cold War gives way to the global village, American leadership is needed more than ever because problems that start beyond our borders can quickly become problems within them. We are all vulnerable to the organized forces of intolerance and destr uction: ethnic, religious and regional rivalries, the spread of weapons of mass destruction, drug trafficking, organized crime and terrorism. Just as surely as fascism and communism, these forces threaten freedom and democracy, peace and prosperity. And t hey too demand American leadership.

As a practical matter, if America does not lead, too often the job will not get done. But if America does lead, we have an unprecedented opportunity to move from war to peace, from oppression to freedom, acting not alone, but with strong partners throu ghout the world. We see the benefits of our leadership and our partnerships in reducing the threat of dangerous weapons of mass destruction, and in combatting terrorism, organized crime and drug trafficking.

But nowhere has the argument for our leadership been more clearly justified than in the struggle to stop or prevent war and ethnic violence, from Iraq to Haiti, from South Africa to Korea, from the Middle East to Northern Ireland. We have stood up for peace and freedom because it is in our interest to do so and because it is the right thing to do.

My duty as president is to match the demands for American leadership to our strategic interests and to our ability to make a difference. America cannot and must not be the world's policeman. We cannot stop all war for all time. But we can stop some war s. We cannot save all women and all children. But we can save many. We cannot do everything. But we must do what we can do.

There are times and places where our leadership can mean the difference between peace and war, and where we can defend our fundamental values as a people and serve our most basic strategic interests. My fellow Americans, in this new era of peace and ho pe, there are times when America -- and America alone -- can and should make a difference.

The terrible war in Bosnia is such a case. Nowhere today is the need for American leadership more stark -- or more immediate -- than in Bosnia.

For nearly four years, a terrible war has torn Bosnia apart. This war has wasted thousands of lives and destroyed countless futures. Horrors that we prayed had been banished from Europe forever have been seared into our minds: skeletal prisoners caged behind barbed wire fences, defenseless men and boys shot down into mass graves, evoking vision of World War II concentration camps, endless lines of refugees marching toward a future of despair.

When I took office, some were urging immediate intervention in the conflict. I decided that the United States could not force peace on Bosnia's warring ethnic groups -- the Serbs, Croats and Muslims -- and that American ground troops should not fight a war in Bosnia. Instead, America has worked with our European allies in searching for peace, stopping the war from spreading, and easing the suffering of the Bosnian people.

We imposed tough economic sanctions on Serbia. We used our air power to conduct the longest humanitarian air lift in history and to enforce a no-fly zone that took the war out of the skies. We helped to make peace between two of the three warring parti es in Bosnia -- the Muslims and the Croats.

But as months of a terrible conflict turned into years, it became clear that Europe alone could not end the war. This summer, Bosnian Serb shelling once again turned Bosnia's playgrounds and marketplaces into killing fields. The United States led NATO' s heavy and continuous air strikes -- many of them flown by skilled American pilots.

Those air strikes, together with the renewed determination of our European partners and the Bosnian and Croat gains on the battlefield, convinced the Serbs to start thinking about making peace.

At the same time, the United States initiated an intensive diplomatic effort that forged a Bosnia-wide cease fire and got the parties to agree to the basic principles of peace. Three dedicated American diplomats -- Bob Frasure, Joe Kruzel and Nelson Dr ew -- lost their lives in that effort. We remember their sacrifice and that of their families. And we will never forget their exceptional service to our country.

Finally, just three weeks ago, the Muslims, Croats and Serbs came to Dayton, Ohio -- in America's heartland -- to negotiate a settlement. There, exhausted by war, they made a commitment to peace. They agreed to put down their guns, to preserve Bosnia a s a single state, to investigate and prosecute war criminals, to protect the human rights of its citizens, to try to build a peaceful, democratic future. And they asked for America's help as they implement their agreement.

America has a responsibility to answer that request -- to help turn this moment of hope into an enduring reality. To do that, troops from our country and around the world would go into Bosnia to give them the confidence they need to implement their pea ce plan. I refused to send American troops to fight a war in Bosnia. But I believe they must help Bosnia secure its peace.

I want you to know what is at stake, exactly what our troops will be asked to accomplish, and why we must carry out our responsibility to implement the peace agreement in Bosnia.

Implementing the peace agreement in Bosnia can end the terrible suffering of the Bosnian people -- the warfare, the mass executions, the ethic cleansing, the campaigns of rape and terror. Let us never forget: one quarter of a million men, women and chi ldren have been shelled, shot and tortured to death. Two million people -- half of Bosnia's populations -- were forced from their homes and into a miserable life as refugees.

These faceless numbers hide millions of personal tragedies. Each of the war's victims was a mother or a daughter, a father or a son, a brother or a sister. Now, American leadership has created the chance to implement the peace agreement -- and stop the suffering.

Securing peace in Bosnia will also help build a free and stable Europe -- which has been one of America's most vital interests for nearly a century. Bosnia lies at the very heart of Europe -- next door to many of its fragile new democracies and some of America's closest allies. Generations of Americans have understood that Europe's freedom and stability is vital to our own national security.

That's why we fought two world wars in Europe. That's why we launched the Marshall Plan to restore Europe. That's why we created NATO and waged the Cold War. That's why we must help the nations of Europe end their worst nightmare since World War II -- now.

The only force capable of getting the job done is NATO -- the powerful military alliance of democracies that has guaranteed our security for half a century. As NATO's leader -- and as the primary broker of the peace agreement -- the United States must be an essential part of its mission.

If we're not there, NATO will not be there. The peace will collapse. The war will reignite. The slaughter of innocents will begin again. A conflict that already has claimed so many victims could spread like poison throughout the region and eat away at Europe's stability, and erode our partnership with our European allies.

And America's commitment to leadership will be questioned if we refuse to participate in implementing a peace agreement we brokered in the United States -- especially since the presidents of Bosnia, Croatia and Serbia asked us to participate and pledge d their best efforts to secure the security of our troops.

When America's partnerships are weak and our leadership is in doubt, it undermines our ability to secure our interests and to convince others to work with us to turn back aggressors, to hunt down terrorists and to combat organized crime, drug trafficki ng and the proliferation of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons. If we maintain our partnerships and our leadership, we need not act alone. As we saw in the Gulf War and in Haiti, many other nations who share our goals will share our burdens. But whe n America does not lead, the consequences can be very grave, not only for others, but eventually for us as well.

As I speak to you, NATO is completing its planning for IFOR, an international force for peace in Bosnia of about 60,000 troops. Already, more than 25 nations -- including our major NATO allies -- have pledged to take part. They will contribute about tw o-thirds of the implementation force -- some 40,000 troops. The United States would contribute the rest -- about 20,000 soldiers.

Later this week, the final NATO plan will be submitted to me for review and approval. Let me make clear what I expect it to include -- and what it must include for me to give final approval to the participation of our armed forces:

First, the mission will be precisely defined -- with clear, realistic goals that can be achieved in a finite period of time. Our troops will make sure each side withdraws its forces behind the front lines -- and keeps them there. They will maintain the cease fire to prevent the war from accidentally starting again. These efforts will help create a secure environment in Bosnia so that its people can return to their homes and begin to rebuild their lives. Our Joint Chiefs of Staff have concluded that thi s mission should and will take about one year.

Second, the risks to our troops will be minimized. American troops will take their orders from the American general who commands NATO. They will be heavily armed and thoroughly trained. By making an overwhelming show of force, they will lessen the need to use force. They will have the authority to respond immediately -- and the training and equipment to respond with overwhelming force -- to any threat to their safety or violations of the military provisions of the peace agreement.

If the NATO plan meets with my approval, I will immediately send it to Congress and request its support. I will also authorize the participation of a small number of American troops in a NATO advance mission that will lay the groundwork for IFOR, start ing sometime next week. They will establish headquarters and set up the sophisticated communications systems that must be in place before NATO can send its troops, tanks and trucks into Bosnia.

The implementation force itself would begin deploying in Bosnia in the days following the formal signature of the peace agreement in mid-December.

The international community will help implement arms control provisions of the agreement so that future hostilities are less likely and armaments limited -- while we and others make sure the Bosnian Federation has the means to defend itself once IFOR w ithdraws. IFOR will not be a part of this effort.

Civilian agencies from around the world will begin a separate program of humanitarian relief and reconstruction. The lion's share will be paid for by our European allies and other interested countries. This effort is absolutely essential to making peac e endure.

It will bring the people of Bosnia the food, shelter, clothing and medicine so many have been denied for so long. It will help them rebuild their roads and schools, their power plants and hospitals, their factories and their shops.

It will reunite children with their parents and families with their homes. It will allow the Bosnians freely to choose leaders devoted to reconciliation. It will give all the people of Bosnia a much greater stake in peace than war -- so that peace take s on a life and logic of its own.

In Bosnia, we can succeed because the mission is clear and limited. Our troops are strong and very well prepared. But no deployment of American troops is risk free and this one may well involve casualties. There may be accidents in the field or inciden ts with people who have not given up their hatred. I will take every measure possible to minimize risks. But we must be prepared for that possibility. As president, my most difficult duty is to put the men and women who volunteer to serve our nation in ha rm's way when America's interests and values demand it. I assume full responsibility for any harm that may come to them. But anyone contemplating any action that would endanger our troops should know this: America protects its own. Anyone who takes on our troops will suffer the consequences. We will fight fire with fire -- and then some.

After so much bloodshed and loss, after so many outrageous acts of inhuman brutality, it will take time -- and an extraordinary effort of will -- for the people of Bosnia to pull themselves from the past and start building the future. There is no guara ntee that Muslims, Serbs and Croats will stay together as citizens of a shared state with a common destiny.

But thanks to our leadership, and the commitment of our allies, the people of Bosnia have the chance to decide their future peacefully -- and in peace. They have a chance to remind the world that, just a few years ago, the mosques, minarets and churche s of Sarajevo were a shining symbol of multiethnic tolerance -- that Bosnia once found unity in its diversity. We must not turn our backs on Bosnia now. So I ask all Americans -- and I ask every member of Congress, Democrats and Republicans alike, to make the choice for peace. In the choice between peace and war, America must choose peace.

My fellow Americans, I ask you to think for a moment about the century that is drawing to a close -- and the new one that will soon begin.

The 20th century has been marked by so much progress, and too much bloodshed. It has been witness to humanity's capacity for the best and its weakness for the worst. Through two world wars and a Cold War, America has stood for freedom and tolerance, an d with all those who cherish peace and liberty. We have done so because a world in which nations enjoy peace and people live free will be a much better world for our own children to make the most of their God-given potential. And we have done so because i t is the right thing to do.

Because previous generations of Americans stood up for freedom -- and because we continue to do so -- the American people are more secure and more prosperous. And more people than ever before live in freedom. More people than ever before are treated wi th dignity. More people than ever before can hope to build a better life than their parents had -- and expect to pass on an even better one to their children.

These are the blessings of freedom -- and America has always been freedom's greatest champion. If we continue to do everything we can to share these blessings with people around the world -- if we continue to be leaders for peace -- then the sacrifices that the American people have made this century will be renewed. And the next century can be the greatest our nation has yet known.

A few weeks ago, I was privileged to spend time with His Holiness Pope John Paul II when he came to America. At the end of our meeting, the Pope said: "I have lived through most of this century. I remember that it began with a war in Sarajevo. Mr. President, you must not let it end with a war in Sarajevo."

In Bosnia, a terrible war has challenged our interests and troubled our souls. Our interests are plain. The cause is right. Our mission will be clear, limited and achievable. The people of Bosnia, our NATO allies and people around the world are looking to America for leadership. Let us lead. That is our responsibility s Americans.

Good night. And God bless America.