The president of the United States functions in many capacities: head of state, head of government, commander in chief of the armed forces, and leader of the president's political party. The president is thus the single most unifying force in a political system in which power is highly dispersed, both within the government and between government and the people. THE PRESIDENT AS HEAD OF STATE The president's unifying influence is exerted through his capacity as head of state. Like traditional European monarchs, the president is the ceremonial head of the government; the president receives representatives of other governments and performs a variety of ceremonial duties such as holding state dinners and bestowing the Medal of Honor. Activities as head of state are not limited to the White House and Washington, D.C. The president is expected to travel within the country occasionally, a practice begun by George Washington, who undertook several grand tours to make the presidency visible to the people. Today presidents also travel extensively abroad and appear before the people of many countries. As head of state, the president symbolizes the sovereignty and power of the United States; presidential words and acts radiate an aura of significance that no other American can command. THE PRESIDENT AS HEAD OF GOVERNMENT The president is also head of the government, ruling as well as reigning. As head of government the president is chief executive, chief diplomat, commander in chief, and chief policy-maker. Chief Executive As chief executive, the president appoints the heads of the government departments (who constitute the \Tcabinet\t) and the heads of agencies, subject to the Senate's approval, and supervises the work of the executive branch. The president's administrative role, however, is also sharply limited. Despite the assistance of a large White House staff, the president has difficulty keeping abreast of all activities of the vast executive branch. The bureaus, encouraged by interest groups and congressional committees, often resist and delay the fulfillment of the president's orders. Presidential power to remove personnel is circumscribed by Supreme Court decisions, and civil-service laws protect the tenure of most federal employees. The president provides leadership in legislation. More than anyone, the president establishes the agenda for Congress. If major problems arise that require remedies, Congress and the public expect the president to offer recommendations. The heart of the president's legislative program is conveyed in messages to Congress each January, beginning with the State of the Union address--a general, wide-ranging treatment of national problems and policies. The Economic Report follows, accompanied by the massive, detailed budget document itself; this contains the financial work plans for reaching the president's previously announced general objectives. Subsequently, the president sends special messages to Congress, each devoted to a single topic such as foreign aid, welfare, or agriculture. Accompanying or soon following the special messages are drafts of legislation that the president urges Congress to pass. The president and the various cabinet secretaries work to persuade Congress to enact as much of the proposed legislation as possible. The president, however, can also be a constraining force on Congress. Recent presidents have tried to curb congressional spending, and in 1981 President Ronald Reagan induced Congress to approve massive cuts in federal social programs. Congress and the presidency, particularly when controlled by opposing parties, may disagree regarding their priorities. The Republican presidents Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford supported more spending for military and space programs and vetoed social programs, while Congress, controlled by Democrats, attempted to reverse these priorities. Recent presidents have frequently used the constitutional power to veto. In 1975, for example, President Ford vetoed 18 bills; Congress attempted to override him 9 times and succeeded 3 times. Overriding is difficult because it requires a two-thirds vote against the president in each house. When their vetoes failed, Presidents Nixon and Ford in some instances impounded funds--that is, they refused to spend what Congress had appropriated. This practice was curtailed by the Budget and Impoundment Control Act of 1974. Chief Diplomat The president is the nation's chief diplomat. "I make American foreign policy," Harry Truman once said, and Thomas Jefferson observed that the conduct of foreign affairs is "executive altogether." Success in waging major wars such as the two world wars has enlarged the presidency's prestige and power. The unpopularity of the Vietnam War, however, an undeclared war, caused Congress to adopt the War Powers Act (1973), which bars long-term wars without Congressional approval. As chief diplomat, the president deals directly with the heads of foreign governments. Summit meetings with the Soviet leadership and meetings with leaders of the country's principal allies are a recurrent experience for recent presidents. Some presidents have given their names to specific foreign policies developed during their administrations, such as the \TMonroe Doctrine\t, which barred European intervention in Latin America, and the Truman Doctrine, which gave support to countries under pressure from the \TUSSR\t. Presidents preside over the negotiation of major treaties with other countries, such as the Panama Canal Treaty of 1977-78 or the Nuclear Test-Ban Treaty of 1963. They oversee \Tarms control\t negotiations with the \TUSSR\t and endeavor to work out international agreements for handling such problems as inflation, recession, energy, and hunger. Commander in Chief As commander in chief of the armed forces, the president is responsible for the nation's security. The president deploys troops abroad and sometimes orders them into combat to protect the interests, property, and lives of U.S. citizens. Presidents have also used the armed forces within the United States to maintain domestic peace, and they are empowered to impose \Tmartial law\t, as Lincoln did in the Civil War. The president is custodian of the country's nuclear weapons; under law the president is the only person who can order their use, and the "Black Box" through which that order can be sent accompanies the president at all times. As a civilian commander in chief, the president embodies the principle of civilian supremacy over the military. The president appoints the Joint Chiefs of Staff and other military commanders, oversees the military budget, and passes on the development of new weapons systems. The president also directs the country's participation in military alliances. The powers of the chief executive may extend even further in time of war. The president may find it necessary to establish wide-ranging controls on the economy, as in World War II. A president may even interfere with civil liberties, as Franklin D. Roosevelt did in approving the forced relocation of thousands of Japanese-Americans on the Pacific coast in World War II (see \TKorematsu v. United States\t; \TNisei\t). Policymaker The president is the single most potent policymaker in economic and social affairs. Recent presidents have been concerned with such problems as energy, inflation, unemployment, the U.S. balance of payments, and the strength of the dollar abroad. In 1980, in an effort to stimulate lagging U.S. productivity, President Ronald Reagan advocated across-the-board income tax cuts to spur private investments. The president and advisors also establish and administer national policies in such areas as social security, education, and health. Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson gave encouragement to the \Tcivil rights\t movement. Johnson's "Great Society" included programs of health care for the poor and elderly, large-scale aid to education, a "war on poverty," beautification of highways, and reduction of air and water pollution. A serious issue during the Nixon and Carter administrations was the reform of the welfare program, which had become increasingly costly. The Reagan administration moved to cut spending on most social programs, in the belief that they were too expensive, inflationary, and wasteful. THE PRESIDENT AS POLITICAL LEADER Because the presidency is the foremost prize of American politics, the president is also normally the nation's principal political leader and regarded as the leader of his political party. The president's skills in that task influence the success of the president's party in electing members of Congress and holders of state and local offices. The president chooses the chairperson of the party's national committee and oversees the national committee and the national party bureaucracy. The president seeks to win and maintain the support of state and local party organizations, which in turn can aid in obtaining congressional enactment of the president's programs. Presidents in some instances may persuade candidates to run for national, state, or local office. A popular president is expected to campaign for the party in congressional and other elections and to appear at party fund-raising functions. As political and party leader, the president must build coalitions among interest groups. In order to win national elections, presidents must draw support from a variety of social and economic constituencies: ethnic and racial groups; business people; labor leaders; and people who live in particular regions. Coalitions such as these may endure for many years. Elements of Franklin D. Roosevelt's new wide-ranging Democratic coalition, formed in the 1930s, played a part in Carter's victory in 1976. The president manages \Tpatronage\t for the party--that is, rewarding supporters with jobs. The president appoints cabinet and subcabinet officers, federal judges, U.S. attorneys, and ambassadors to important foreign countries and fills several thousand other jobs of varying importance. The president also administers an executive pork barrel--the distribution of federal funds to be spent on public works, military installations, and social programs. The president is most likely to channel those funds into the districts of members of Congress who support the chief executive's legislative proposals. If presidential legislative requests are to thrive in Congress, the president must exert political leadership on Capitol Hill, inducing legislators to support presidential policies. Varying degrees of persuasion are used, from soft-sell tactics to the tougher methods in which the member of Congress is made to realize that he or she will pay a price for refusal to comply. Among the most successful presidential persuaders were Lyndon B. Johnson, who had developed his techniques during years in the House and Senate, and Ronald Reagan. The president's programs fare better if the president is able to work effectively with congressional leaders. The president or presidential aides must also be adept at formulating the compromises that can break legislative deadlocks. The president accomplishes more on Capitol Hill when successful as a public leader. Presidents who excel at public leadership skillfully employ the dominant communications media of their day. Franklin D. Roosevelt perfected the informal radio talk known as the "fireside chat." Television was used memorably by Dwight D. Eisenhower and Ronald Reagan, who appeared as calm and fatherly figures, and by John F. Kennedy, who, in his televised press conferences, exuded youth and charm. The president has almost unlimited access to this visual medium from which most Americans acquire their news and political information. The modern president's large share of the public limelight, however, focuses attention on all aspects of the office; should the president lose the public's confidence, grave consequences may follow, as they did for President Nixon, whose efforts to extricate himself from \TWatergate\t only succeeded in worsening the scandal. The president gains special credentials as a political leader by winning election to office, a supreme political test. Beyond satisfying constitutional requirements (the president must be 35 years old, a "natural-born citizen," and a U.S. resident for 14 years prior to election), most contemporary presidential candidates must also undergo the physically exhausting test of entering up to thirty \Lprimary election\ls in various parts of the country. Both in the primaries and in the national convention, in which nomination is won, a candidate must avoid embittering other candidates and their followers whose support is valuable in the postconvention campaign. The person running for president must also formulate a strategy that will win a majority of the electoral votes (see \Telectoral college\t). These are supplied by a geographical combination of states, such as Carter's combination of states in the South and Northeast in 1976. Because \Tpresidential elections\t tend to be close, the candidate's strategic choices as to the states in which to make the greatest efforts can be crucial to victory or defeat. Presidential Remuneration For the many presidential duties, the president receives (as of 1990) $200,000 a year in salary and $50,000 for expenses, an additional $100,000 for travel expenses, $20,000 for official entertainment, and handsome retirement benefits. ORGANIZATION OF THE EXECUTIVE OFFICE Personal Staff In discharging the functions of the office, the president is assisted by a large staff. Closest to the president is the personal staff, which works in the White House Office. It includes a score of top assistants--such as the press secretary, the appointments secretary, the special counsel, the assistant for national security affairs, the cabinet secretary, the staff secretary, the assistant for congressional liaison, and various administrative assistants--aided by a sizable junior staff. The White House staff totals about 500; many employees are clerks handling the large inflow of mail and papers from the executive agencies. The staff of Franklin D. Roosevelt and his early successors remained largely anonymous. But as White House staff members gained power, many of them became public figures. Henry \TKissinger\t, for example, began as assistant for national security affairs under President Nixon, but his influence grew until it surpassed that of the secretary of state in many areas of foreign policy. Institutional Staff In addition to personal staff, the president commands a large institutional staff concerned with managing the executive branch and with policy development. The principal managerial arm is the Office of \TManagement and Budget\t (OMB). Subject to the president's direction and approval, the OMB prepares the budget of the executive branch, among other duties. Prominent among the president's policy advisory organs is the \TNational Security Council\t (NSC). It is concerned with the whole gamut of foreign policy, including military strategy. The assistant for national security affairs organizes the council's agenda and oversees its staff. Truman and Eisenhower used the NSC extensively; Kennedy and Johnson consulted it more erratically; and their successors have relied heavily on the NSC. From the \TCouncil of Economic Advisers\t (CEA) the president secures professional economic advice, tempered by awareness of the president's political needs. Although the Council of Economic Advisers competes with other sources of economic advice, such as the \TTreasury\t Department and the OMB, it is usually a top participant in the president's economic policymaking. The Office of Policy Development (OPD) was redesignated in 1981 to replace the Domestic Policy Staff. Its origins go back to 1970, when Nixon created a Domestic Council. Today the OPD assists the president in formulating and evaluating long-range economic and domestic policy. Other units of the Executive Office include the Council on Environmental Quality, the Office of the United States Trade Representative, the Office of Science and Technology Policy, and the Office of Administration. The Cabinet The most historic source of presidential advice, the cabinet, is not part of the Executive Office but exists independently. Consisting of the heads of departments, the cabinet traces its beginnings to George Washington's assembling of his department heads in 1793 to discuss the crisis of U.S. neutrality in the French Revolutionary Wars. Presidents have used the cabinet irregularly, largely because cabinet members' duties and loyalties to their own departments often preclude a close working relationship with the president. Occasionally, the \Tvice-president\t becomes important in an administration, although the Constitution does not allot the vice-president any responsibilities other than to "preside over the Senate." Early in the Reagan administration Vice-President George \TBush\t was appointed leader of a "crisis management" team. Usually the vice-president is at the far edge of an administration, remote from the circles of power. The vice-president is a political personality, perhaps with aspirations to become president, and cannot be fired by the president. Any close working relationship between the two, if it develops at all, has usually been tenuous. Presidential Transitions When a new president is elected, a delicate and often cumbersome 10-week process of transition begins. The president-elect appoints teams of academic, business, and political people to gather information, prepare reports, and make recommendations on policies and appointments. Outgoing staff members brief the newcomers. The Senate begins confirmation hearings to advise and consent on cabinet-level appointees well in advance of inauguration day, so that the new administration can take power smoothly. To minimize friction during the 1980-81 transition, Jimmy Carter agreed to limit his presidential initiatives, and President-elect Ronald Reagan made a point of not undermining the final weeks of Carter's executive authority. GROWTH OF THE PRESIDENCY The establishment of the presidency in 1789, by the framers of the U.S. Constitution, was an act of political creativity. The presidency had no real counterpart in historical experience. The framers aimed to have a strong, but responsible, chief executive, and to this end the office was made to consist of a single incumbent whose power would not be shared with a cabinet or council. The president would be elected by a source outside the legislature--the electoral college--and thus could govern without being indebted to Congress. The president gained strength from a fixed, substantial term of office and was originally eligible for reelection indefinitely. (Presidential tenure of office has since been affected by the 20TH AMENDMENT, the 22D AMENDMENT, and the 25TH AMENDMENT.) The Constitution granted the presidency powers of its own, such as the power of commander in chief. Believing, however, in the necessity of balanced government, the framers created a strong Congress and a judiciary to check the chief executive. The first incumbent of the office, George Washington, was an assertive executive who was active in both foreign and domestic affairs and who interpreted his powers broadly and defended them against congressional encroachment. Thomas Jefferson astutely exploited the presidential role of party leader, thereby winning exceptional congressional support. Under his weaker successors, however, the office was eclipsed by Congress. Andrew Jackson revived the presidency by reinterpreting it as an organ of popular leadership. Abraham Lincoln, in the crisis of the Civil war, largely on his own claimed authority, expanded the armed forces, imposed a naval blockade, and used funds from the Treasury without congressional appropriation. Although Congress ratified many of Lincoln's acts after the deed, it soon reacted against the expanded power that he had given the presidency; his successor, Andrew Johnson, was impeached and narrowly escaped conviction. Through the remainder of the 19th century the office's impact remained modest. Theodore Roosevelt, the first 20th-century president, was the principal architect of the office's modernization. An extraordinarily gifted politician and popular leader, he campaigned for the conservation of natural resources and for government regulation of business. Woodrow Wilson was a vigorous president who pressed tariff reform and antitrust legislation (see \TClayton Anti-Trust Act\t) and persuaded Congress to establish the \TFederal Reserve System\t and the \TFederal Trade Commission\t. Wilson led the country into World War I, but after his failure to secure Senate approval of the League of Nations, another reaction against the presidency set in. His Republican successors, Warren Harding, Calvin Coolidge, and Herbert Hoover, interpreted presidential power modestly. The \TDepression of the\t 1930s, followed by World War II, produced an enormous expansion of presidential activity under Franklin Delano Roosevelt. This expansion continued during the \Tcold war\t and the \TKorean War\t, when Harry S. Truman used the presidential powers fully. Although Dwight D. Eisenhower restored peace, the troubled relations between the \TUSSR\t required him to maintain the armed forces and the nuclear arsenal at high levels. John F. Kennedy, preoccupied with crisis management, successfully managed the first nuclear confrontation with the \TUSSR\t in the 1962 \TCuban Missile Crisis\t while at the same time guiding the nation through a domestic crisis over civil rights. Lyndon Johnson's Great Society program enlarged the presidency's fast-growing commitment to the welfare state, but this expansion was limited by the financial demands of the escalating \TVietnam War\t. Richard Nixon ended that war and inaugurated a policy of \Tdetente\t toward the \TUSSR\t. He clashed with Democratic Congresses, and the threat of \Timpeachment\t for his implication in the Watergate break-in and related scandals forced him to resign. Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter struggled to restore popular confidence in the office and to cope with a reassertive Congress. Carter's difficulties in charting a decisive course and obtaining congressional cooperation during his single term in office helped reestablish public desire for a strong presidency and pave the way for public and congressional acceptance of many of Ronald Reagan's economic initiatives. POWERS OF THE PRESIDENT The presidency has thrived because of the broad powers conferred on it by the Constitution. Some incumbents have interpreted these powers expansively, often with congressional and judicial acquiescence. The executive-power clause of Article II, Section 1, states merely that "The executive Power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America." The scope of this clause was disputed in George Washington's presidency when he promulgated (1793) his proclamation of neutrality in the French Revolutionary Wars. Rejecting the argument that the clause was merely a statement of fact, Washington agreed with Alexander Hamilton that it was a grant of power and that the direction of foreign policy is inherently an "executive" function residing in the presidency. The executive-power clause has been used by presidents to justify a broad range of actions. For example, presidents have claimed the power to remove officers of the executive branch. In Humphrey's Executor v. United States (1935), however, which involved a presidential attempt to remove a federal trade commissioner, the Supreme Court ruled that the president could not remove an officer engaging in "quasi-legislative" and "quasi-judicial" duties except for cause provided for in the statute establishing the position. A companion constitutional power to which presidents have given vast scope is the commander-in-chief power (Article II, Section 2). One of the freest interpretations of this power was Lincoln's, who--after the Civil War erupted, and while Congress was not in session--called up 75,000 men and waged war for 12 weeks, relying on his independent authority. Lincoln claimed to possess the "war power," which, he said, combined the commander-in-chief power with the president's duty "to take care that the laws be faithfully executed." The commander-in-chief power has been cited to justify commitment of the armed forces to scores of short-term hostilities. One example was the intervention in Vietnam. Critics contended that the Vietnam War could be legally sustained only by a congressional declaration of war, which was never made. President George Bush, on the other hand, secured a vote in the Congress authorizing the initiation of hostilities against Iraq in the \TPersian Gulf War\t. Although the Constitution specifies that the president can make treaties, the requirement that they be approved by a two-thirds vote of the Senate has often driven presidents to use executive agreements instead. Washington used an executive agreement to settle U.S. fishing rights off Newfoundland, and later presidents used them to annex territory, to settle border disputes, and to determine the armistice terms of major wars. The term executive agreement is not found in the Constitution. For authority to make such agreements presidents cite the executive-power clause and the commander-in-chief power. Presidents have, by constitutional interpretation, enlarged their powers in relations with Congress. Early presidents, for example, employed the veto only when they considered legislation unconstitutional, but Jackson extended it to legislation he considered objectionable on policy grounds, as presidents have continued to do. After Congress appropriates funds, the president may impound them, or delay their expenditure, usually to correct some deficiency of procedure or policy. But President Richard Nixon enormously expanded the practice by impounding billions of dollars of appropriations. Subsequently, both the judiciary and Congress acted to limit the president's power to impound appropriations. Tenure of office confers power. Presidential tenure is protected by a rigorous impeachment procedure. Conviction requires a two-thirds vote of the senators present. President Andrew Johnson escaped conviction by a single vote. In 1974, President Nixon, facing impeachment and almost certain conviction, became the first president to resign. President Ford, exercising the president's pardoning power, pardoned Nixon for all federal crimes that he "committed or may have committed or taken part in." Executive Privilege Presidents also claim to possess \Texecutive privilege\t, or the right to withhold information from Congress and the public. Although the term executive privilege was not used until the 1950s, George Washington in effect employed it in denying executive papers regarding the \TJay's Treaty\t (1794) to the House of Representatives. Other presidents also invoked the doctrine, but Eisenhower expanded it substantially in denying executive papers and testimony to Senator Joseph McCarthy's investigation of Communist infiltration of the government. In court proceedings concerning Watergate, President Nixon sought to withhold tapes and transcripts of White House conversations, but in \TUnited States v\t. \TNixon\t (1974) the Supreme Court ruled that executive privilege did not immunize him from judicial proceedings. Presidential Power and the Supreme Court It should be noted that although the Supreme Court determines presidential power by its interpretation of the Constitution, the Court has seldom directly checked the exercise of presidential power. In many cases, the Court has affirmed it. In \TUnited States v. Curtiss-Wright Export Corporation\t (1936), for example, the Court acknowledged a broad presidential power to make executive agreements. The Court's rulings against the president have occurred mainly in civil liberties cases, such as \TEx parte Milligan\t (1866), striking down a presidential authorization of the trial of civilians by a military tribunal in an area far removed from the theater of war. In \TYoungstown Sheet and Tube Company v. Sawyer\t (1952), Truman's seizure of the steel mills on his own authority was held unconstitutional. Actual Presidential Use of Power Like other kinds of power, formal presidential power cannot always be used in all its fullness. Several major factors determine the way presidents exert power at any given time. A president needs opportunities for using power. If times are quiet and no urgent problems are apparent--as in the America of 1880, for example--even the most dynamic and skillful president cannot use power extensively. Presidents have employed their powers most fully in visible major crises, such as the Civil War and the world wars, and in grave economic emergency such as the Great Depression of the 1930s, when one-fourth of the work force was unemployed. When crises are less obvious, as in the energy crisis of the 1970s, the president may have difficulty impressing the public and Congress of the necessity for serious action. The powers presidents can actually employ also depend heavily on their political skills. Some analysts called psycho-biographers or psychohistorians stress that how the president uses power is also determined by the president's personality. Personality characteristics may, for example, cause a president to work very hard, but without being attuned to public sentiment. The strivings of these individuals may become so compulsive as to lead to the rigid--and futile--pursuit of a policy. Woodrow Wilson, for example, took an absolute stand on the League of Nations, rejecting compromises that might have saved much of his project in the Senate. How the president uses power may also depend on the president's own conception of the office. Some presidents, such as James Buchanan or William Howard Taft, have interpreted their powers narrowly, declining to act unless power was specifically granted in the Constitution or in statutes. At the other extreme are the presidents who, like Theodore Roosevelt, feel constrained in their "stewardship" only by what is expressly forbidden by the Constitution. The Current Issue of Executive Power After the long-drawn-out and eventually unpopular Vietnam War and the excesses of Watergate, the presidency passed into an era of criticism and reassessment. The office was seen to have become inordinately powerful and to be threatening or violating civil liberties. It was viewed as having placed the political system in disequilibrium by drawing excessive power to the presidency at the expense of the other branches. Various explanations were offered of these trends. The cold war, along with wars in Korea and Vietnam and continuing international instability, had enlarged actual presidential power. The presidency's expanding power was also attributable to defective performance by the other branches of government. All too often the presidency's power expands by congressional default--by the disinclination of the legislature to deal directly with national problems. The bureaucracy of the executive branch has shown itself incapable of a great deal of initiative; addicted to established routines and averse to new ideas with their accompanying risks of failure, the bureaucracy has preferred to leave innovation to the White House staff. This in turn has perhaps encouraged presidential subordinates to use--and abuse--their power in ways that are symptomatic of the presidency's excesses. Congress became more assertive after Watergate, passing the War Powers Act and other measures to control presidential abuses. It also created its own Budget Office to sharpen its annual review of the budget. Congress employed the appropriations power to constrain presidential initiatives in foreign affairs, with consequences that could be seen in the chief executive's limited responses to military crises in Angola and Zaire. Congress enlarged its own retinue of experts on committee staffs, in the \TGeneral Accounting Office\t, in the Congressional Budget Office, and in the offices of individual legislators and committees, enhancing its ability to challenge the bureaucracies of the executive departments. In the late 1970s, however, public sentiment began to call for a more assertive presidency that could provide greater leadership to a fragmented and interest-ridden Congress and that could act decisively on the array of stubborn problems that troubled Americans. President Jimmy Carter's inability to guide many of his legislative initiatives through Congress weakened his administration. Carter's successor, Ronald Reagan, who won two landslide election victories, was notably more successful in getting Congress to do his bidding, especially in the areas of increased military spending and tax reform. Reagan's successor, George Bush, continued his conservative policies, but was forced to allow tax increases in order to lower the budget deficit. In foreign affairs, Bush intensified Reagan's policy of rapprochement with the Soviet Union, while intervening militarily in Panama (1989) and the Persian Gulf (1991). Louis W. Koenig Bibliography: Barnet, Richard J., The Rocket's Red Glare: When America Goes to War: The Presidents and the People (1990); Glennon, Michael, Constitutional Diplomacy (1990); Hess, Stephen, Organizing the Presidency, rev. ed. (1988); Hirschfield, Robert S., The Power of the Presidency: Concepts and Controversy (1973); Hughes, Emmet J., The Living Presidency (1973); Kenell, Samuel, and Popkin, Samuel L., Chief of Staff: Twenty-Five Years of Managing the Presidency (1986); Kent, Maxwell, The Greatest American Presidents and the Worst (1977); Koenig, Louis W., The Chief Executive, 3d ed. (1975); Lepawsky, Albert, ed., The Prospect for Presidential-Congressional Government (1978); Neustadt, Richard E., Presidential Power and the Modern Presidents: The Politics of Leadership from Roosevelt to Reagan (1990); Pions, Richard M., The American Presidency (1979); Schlesinger, Arthur M., Jr., The Imperial Presidency: Presidential Accountability after Watergate (1975); Shogan, Robert, The Riddle of Power: Presidential Leadership from Truman to Bush (1991); Simonton, Dean K., Why Presidents Succeed (1987); Tugwell, Rexford G., The Enlargement of the Presidency (1960; repr. 1977); Wayne, Stephen J., The Legislative Presidency (1978); Whitney, David C., The American Presidents, rev. and updated by Robin Vaughn Whitney (1990).